California Now at the Heart of the Battle Against Woke Anti-Semitism

When affirmative action, the predecessor of DEI, was first implemented in the early 1970s, the goal was to address cruel centuries of oppression of African Americans. It was widely supported by many white Americans, who saw it as a short-term palliative.

But in recent years, affirmative action has merged with a more radical academic dogma known as “critical race theory”. At its core, this belief system deplores America as a racist confection, a country that will never be able to address its evils without abandoning the merit system and the notion of fair play. Critical race theory (CRT) has grown into a lucrative industry, as schools, companies and governments raced to implement DEI (Diversity, Equity and Inclusion) policies and imposed Mao-like struggle sessions on employees to hold the party line.

Today, thankfully, CRT now faces a serious decline. Theoretician Ibrahim X Kendi recently closed his Boston University “anti-racist research” centre, moving it to Howard. President Trump seems determined to wipe out CRT and DEI among anyone in the federal orbit, which could include the very universities that nurtured it. The administration is perfectly aware that DEI and CRT policies are widely unpopular among most Americans.

One contributor to the backlash has been how CRT ideology has shifted activists towards ever more radical politics, particularly with regard to Israel and Jewish Americans. In California, an incoming new “ethnic studies” curriculum for schools has been accused of categorising all white people, no matter their origins, as enjoying “white privilege”. In this world-view, groups like Jews do not suffer discrimination, which might have come as a surprise to our immigrant forebears as well as to those who are still facing anti-Semitism today.

Throughout academia, DEI and other race-based programmes have emerged as fulcrums of anti-Israel, and often anti-Semitic action. Even on my normally sane campus, our DEI unit at Chapman awarded this year’s Dr Martin Luther King Jr Community Service Award to the university’s chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP).

Given numerous instances of harassment of Jewish students and the SJP’s celebration of the October 7 pogrom, this was clearly absurd. Our President, Daniele Struppa, effectively rescinded the order, apologising to Jewish students and faculty, to the horror of many at the school’s ultra-woke Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences.

In California, Jewish legislators are campaigning to keep CRT’s pernicious influence contained, and to mitigate the worst consequences of the new “ethnic studies” guidelines. But the CRT radicals remain deeply entrenched and well-placed within school bureaucracies and the teacher’s unions. Many blue states still embrace policies that discriminate on the basis of race and gender. The Biden administration to its shame promoted critical race theory. Much the same has occurred in the likes of Minnesota.

So even as Trump and his allies seek to counter DEI and CRT, it’s going to be a tough struggle at some elite universities. In some cases, anti-Jewish sentiment is widespread. Jewish students face professors hectoring against Israel and demonstrators who have blocked off access to school buildings for “Zionists”. Erwin Chemerinsky, Berkeley’s Law School dean and well-known progressive, wrote in the LA Times that “nothing has prepared me for the anti-Semitism” now clearly evident at Berkeley and other campuses.

Despite these outrages, it won’t be easy to remove these antics. Already some universities are rallying to keep discriminatory practices, even in red states. Their oligarchic funding is unlikely to run out in the near future. At least until Trump, Leftist activism was often subsidized by federal taxes, something the public had little notion about.

In the long term, however, the decline of CRT should mark a step towards a society closer to Dr King’s ethos, particularly critical for a country that may become predominantly non-white by mid-century. Crowing about the end of “the US white majority” might be popular in ethnic studies departments but has not translated into a better life for most minorities. America’s great strength is that it was not founded on the basis of any particular ethnicity and has successfully evolved to become more inclusive; a fundamentally racist society would not be such a lure for new Latin American, African or Asian immigrants.

Getting rid of DEI, CRT and their offsprings is one step towards this new post-racial future. It represents the rejection of the sectarianism preached by “racial justice” activists in the West, Hamas and other jihadis, and by far-Right sectarians across the West. America, indeed, all of Western society, needs not more separation but more unforced integration.

CRT needs to be returned to the obscurity of its origins in the university hothouse. What is needed instead is a commitment to help raise people from poor circumstances, whichever race they happen to be. True social justice cannot be accomplished by turning people against one another.

This piece first appeared at Telegraph.


Joel Kotkin is the author of The Coming of Neo-Feudalism: A Warning to the Global Middle Class. He is the Roger Hobbs Presidential Fellow in Urban Futures at Chapman University and and directs the Center for Demographics and Policy there. He is Senior Research Fellow at the Civitas Institute at the University of Texas in Austin. Learn more at joelkotkin.com and follow him on Twitter @joelkotkin.

Photo: N. Papes, USA Today

Tech Bros Have Stolen Austin’s Soul

It looms, all glamour and glass, like a strange Wellsian monster. Floor by floor it comes, casting the Colorado River in shadow as it goes. By the time it’s finished, sometime next year, it’ll be the tallest building in Texas, at 74 stories beating Houston’s JP Morgan Chase Tower by almost 20 feet. Yet even more than its scale, it’s the amenities at the Waterline Apartments that really impress.

This, after all, is a place that promises a new Austin, one, its marketers say, that offers “serenity in the sky”. There’ll be restaurants, and retail, and a hotel complete with swimming pool and spa. Far from a repeat of The War of the Worlds, then, the Waterline speaks to another H.G. Wells fantasy, one the writer envisaged as “a great gallery” where people could meet and live in harmony. Nor is it alone. There are 13 similar high-rises coming right across Austin, as its population rises and GDP soars.

This emerging urban Austin, a place of towers and cocktail bars, is fundamentally different from the established centres of the East and Midwest. In beehives like Wall Street or The Loop, office workers historically came in to work, then retreated back to the suburbs each night. Downtown Austin, though, puts residents at its hearts, focusing less on offices and more on lifestyles. Yet if that means amenities galore, this tidy vision risks redefining American cities for the worse — even as the old problems of urban dysfunction always loom.

For decades, the Texan capital was synonymous with a single word: weird. Unlike the conservative countryside, or else oil towns like Dallas, the self-proclaimed People’s Republic of Austin was a place of lively bars and soul-filled clubs. There was Rainey Street, too, a charming Latino neighbourhood filled with pretty tree-lined cottages. When I first came here, almost half a century ago, I was reminded of nothing less than Haight-Ashbury — the San Francisco neighbourhood so beloved among artists and hippies.

Now, though, this older, shabbier Austin is slipping away. Quite aside from landmark developments like the Waterline, that’s clear enough in the numbers. Since 2000, downtown’s population has tripled to 15,000. In large part, in fact, Kevin Burns argues the ultra-modern vibe can be understood by sheer demand, with the rising forest of towers appealing to young professionals tired of life in the suburbs. “The driver is quality of life,” says the bearded 47-year-old real-estate developer, sipping a coffee as the sound of construction echoes around us.

It’s not hard to see what he means. Life by the Colorado, still feverishly in the making, is pleasantly walkable. There are yew-scattered parklands, and bike lanes and creeks. It’s all surely a step up from the convention centres and stadiums that once got urban developers excited. There’s also plenty to do: dozens of bars and restaurants open in Austin every month, dovetailed by yoga studios and comedy clubs. Yet if the new Austin promises paradise for wealthy hipsters, the hippies of yore seem far less welcome. Downtown, after all, is expensive, hardly surprising when so many of the new arrivals are tech workers, “empty nesters” with far fewer children to feed than their peers elsewhere. An apartment in the sky here will set you back $170,000 more than other parts of Central Texas, doubtless explaining why so many new downtowners are white.

Read the rest of this piece at UnHerd.


Joel Kotkin is the author of The Coming of Neo-Feudalism: A Warning to the Global Middle Class. He is the Roger Hobbs Presidential Fellow in Urban Futures at Chapman University and and directs the Center for Demographics and Policy there. He is Senior Research Fellow at the Civitas Institute at the University of Texas in Austin. Learn more at joelkotkin.com and follow him on Twitter @joelkotkin.

Photo: Randy von Liski via Flickr under CC 2.0 License.

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